Labor movement 

The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-sional social formation that is generated fromthe social structures of work and industry ina society. It may comprise both legally recog-nized and formally sanctioned institutions (liketrade unions, political parties, and works coun-cils) as well as less formal groupings of workersand their allies (industrial actions, organiza-tions of strike supporters, workers centers,dissident movements within unions, culturalforms, etc.). Labor movements operate at theintersection of economic practice, civil society,and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-tutionalized in any given society in any givenhistorical period, and can be partly character-ized by the extent to which extra-institutionalpractices are permitted and have been incorpo-rated into the routine operations of industrialand labor relations. The social and organiza-tional composition of a labor movement, aswell as the degree to which its practices havebeen institutionalized, are thus two importantanalytical axes through which the social logicof a labor movement can be discerned

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The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-

sional social formation that is generated from

the social structures of work and industry in

a society. It may comprise both legally recog-

nized and formally sanctioned institutions (like

trade unions, political parties, and works coun-

cils) as well as less formal groupings of workers

and their allies (industrial actions, organiza-

tions of strike supporters, workers centers,

dissident movements within unions, cultural

forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the

intersection of economic practice, civil society,

and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-

tutionalized in any given society in any given

historical period, and can be partly character-

ized by the extent to which extra-institutional

practices are permitted and have been incorpo-

rated into the routine operations of industrial

and labor relations. The social and organiza-

tional composition of a labor movement, as

well as the degree to which its practices have

been institutionalized, are thus two important

analytical axes through which the social logic

of a labor movement can be discerned

The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-

sional social formation that is generated from

the social structures of work and industry in

a society. It may comprise both legally recog-

nized and formally sanctioned institutions (like

trade unions, political parties, and works coun-

cils) as well as less formal groupings of workers

and their allies (industrial actions, organiza-

tions of strike supporters, workers centers,

dissident movements within unions, cultural

forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the

intersection of economic practice, civil society,

and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-

tutionalized in any given society in any given

historical period, and can be partly character-

ized by the extent to which extra-institutional

practices are permitted and have been incorpo-

rated into the routine operations of industrial

and labor relations. The social and organiza-

tional composition of a labor movement, as

well as the degree to which its practices have

been institutionalized, are thus two important

analytical axes through which the social logic

of a labor movement can be discerned

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

 

Union Competition and Strikes: The Need for Analysis at the Sector Level

International comparative research has found that strike incidence is higher where two or more unions bargain with an employer ("multi-unionism"), as is common in most European countries, than where only one union does, all else equal. Two proposed explanations for this relationship, both invoking inter-union rivalry as the main dynamic, are that under multi-unionism, unions (a) make propagandistic use of strikes to attract members, or (b) compete with each other by bidding up bargaining demands. To date, the evidence bearing on these hypotheses has been equivocal because, the author argues, researchers have focused on activity at the national level rather than at the lower levels that are more commonly the nexus for strike formation. The author performs empirical tests using industry-sector-level data for seven European countries for the years 1990-2006, and finds evidence clearly favoring the competitive bargaining hypothesis over the propaganda hypothesis.

Sumber: click here

 The Impact of Unions on Job Satisfaction, Organizational Commitment, and Turnover

"Union membership is not a free good, however. It carries both economic and social costs. The most obvious economic costs to the individual worker are union dues and potential loss of income due to strikes. In addition, job security, supposedly a benefit of union status, is not a certainty for all members. The monopolistic model of unions shows that they lower the demand for union labor by raising wage rates above competitive levels, which results in a shift of jobs to the nonunion labor force (Farber, 1986; Hirsch and Addison, 1986; Addison and Chilton, 1997). This increases the probability that low-seniority union workers may lose their jobs the more unions are achieving success in increasing the wage premium (Kleiner, 2002; Thieblot, 2002).1 The social costs of union status can include a more adversarial relationship with the employer, a more rigid or bureaucratic organization of work, and more narrowly defined job tasks with less individual discretion."

 Reference: click here

Strikes, Employee Workplace Representation, Unionism, and Trust

 Strikes, Employee Workplace Representation, Unionism, and Trust: Evidence from Cross-Country Data

Abstract

This paper investigates the determinants of industrial conflict in companies, using a multicountry workplace inquiry for 2009 and 2013 and various measures of strike activity. The principal goal is to address the effect of formal workplace representation on strikes, distinguishing in the first instance between works councils on the one hand and broadly equivalent trade union based entities on the other. The role of unionism is also central to this inquiry, not only with respect to the degree to which workplace representation is union dominated but also and more familiarly perhaps through workplace union density and the level at which collective bargaining is conducted. Attention is also paid to the quality of industrial relations, as reflected in dissonance, namely divergent assessments of managers and employee workplace representatives as to the state of industrial relations. Although country effects do matter, it is reported that works councils are associated with reduced strike activity. However, any such effect is sensitive in particular to the union status of work councilors and time. There is also some indication that collective bargaining at levels higher than the company can exacerbate strike activity but this effect does not persist, possibly because of decentralization and the development of hybrid bargaining structures. For its part, good industrial relations appears key to strike reduction, independent of workplace representation.

Reference: click here

UNIONS AND INNOVATION: A SURVEY OF THE THEORY AND EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

 1.0 Relative factor price effects 

"There is a straightforward relative factor price effect of the union mark-up on any substitute factor of production. Consider a simple two-factor model where there is a choice between labour and new technological capital. An increase in the relative price of labour (through union wage increases) will cause substitution of high tech machines for workers, for a given level of output (i.e. along an isoquant). On the other hand, a union-driven increase in costs will mean higher average costs, causing lower overall production (a shift to a lower isoquant) and therefore less need for all factors, including labour. The impact of unions via their wage effects will depend on the balance between the substitution and the scale effects, so that even in a purely static neo-classical model, the direction of the union relative price effect is ambiguous." 

Reference: Naercio Menezes-Filho and John Van Reenen. (2003). Unions and Innovation: A Survey of the Theory and Empirical Evidence. Centre of Economic Policy. ResearchCEPR Discussion Paper No. 3792

Digital Technology to Support the Trade Union Movement

Resource: Schoemann, K.  (2018). Digital Technology to Support the Trade Union Movement. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2018, 6, 67-82

In this paper, focus on the potentials that digital technologies offer to trade unions and works councils

"Digital technologies range from hardware devices like smartphones and internet connected computers to networking software like social media, conference calling or elaborated voting systems. Many non-governmental organizations demonstrate already how to make use of digital technologies to organize movements and to stay in touch with members and the broader public by pro-active use of digital strategies"

"Choosing and adopting specific carefully selected and tested applications and software, which suit union purposes, becomes an issue of strategic importance. Examples of digital technologies consist in new forms to better organize protests, improve decision-making or additional ways of keeping in touch with a more diverse membership. Shorter reaction times and more inclusive decision-making through digital technologies constitute an additional advantage."

THE FUTURE OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA

 Trade unionism in Malaysia

The legal and institutional environment is not favourable to the development of a strong trade union movement. The government has the absolute right to grant union registration or withhold it. At the level of the workplace legislation restricts the subjects of bargaining (transfers, promotions, layoffs, retrenchments and job assignments deemed outside its scope), and the ability of unions to strike. Thus, argues Kuruvilla (2006), the scope of bargaining directly affects the extent of social dialogue. Thus, a significant segment of the working population remains unorganised.

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 THE CHANGING ROLES OF TRADE UNIONS IN INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF NATIONAL THERMAL POWER CORPORATION (NTPC), UNCHAHAR

Trade unions are a major component of the system of modern industrial relations in any nation, each having, in their constitution, their own set of objectives or goals to achieve. Change in the political, social and educational environment has seen them rechristened as a forum that protects and furthers workers' interests and improves the quality of life of workers, enlarging their traditional roles of establishing terms and conditions of employment. 

Sumber: tekan sini

Unions, social media and young workers— evidence from the UK

This paper explores the way in which the youth sections of three British unions use social media. We contribute to both the literature on unions and young workers, and union engagement with social media by providing the first systematic examinations of union youth sections’ social media usage in terms of method, scope and content. The paper examines differences in Twitter usage between the youth sections of GMB, PCS and Unite over a two‐year period from June 1, 2014, to May 31, 2016. The paper considers the extent to which these union accounts fully utilise the interactive capabilities of social media, and whether the content of messages is specifically targeted towards young workers. We find similarities between the three accounts in terms of message content and focus and that the youth sections of unions are more involved with the interactive capabilities of Web 2.0 than the existing literature suggests.

Sumber: Andy Hodder & Andy Hodder. (2019). Unions, social media and young workers. New Technology, Work and Employment xx:x ISSN 1468-005X

Class Struggle and the Trade Union

 

"The conclusion of the Royal Commission on Labour in 1894 was that strong organisations of workers and employers meeting regularly across the negotiating table were a source of order and stability in industry: strikes became less likely, and when they did occur were better disciplined and more easily settled than when unions were weak and unrecognised."

Sumber: D., Johnston, G. and Bush, R. (eds) Class Struggle and the Trade Union Movement. A Socialist Anatomy of Britain, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1985.

 Article: https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-1-349-19665-4_10

 Union responses to workplace restructuring

One of the Phase by Kelly, 2004 in Nick Bacon is 

"Kelly (2004) suggests that union moderation has several detrimental effects for unions: it inhibits the growth of union activity in the workplace because an ideology of common interests erodes the willingness and capacity of union members to resist employers; union officers are co-opted into the decision-making process on agendas controlled by employers; and managers take advantage of union moderation to restructure employment at the expense of workers’ terms and conditions, especially by undermining job security."

 

Bernie Sanders Explains Unions to Young People

In this Area, you need power, power need unite. So that means, you need union - 

Nonton video ini

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yR7YT7sAZbY

Persatuan Foodpanda melancarkan mogok disetiap negeri sebagai tanda mereka tidak bersetuju dengan sistem kerja yang diamalkan oleh Foodpanda akan memudaratkan pendapatan kumpulan ini. 

Ratusan rider Foodpanda mogok di KL

laporan penuh: tekan sini

Kesan daripada aktivti mogok yang dijalan oleh ratusan rider telah menarik perhatian kepimpinan kerajaan untuk memantau dan mengetahui isu yang sedang dialami oleh pekerja. Melalui perhimpunan ini, pihak kerajaan telah mengutarakan isu yang dihadapi kepada peringkat parlimen untuk dibincangkan dan diperhalusi oleh pihak kerajaan . 

[LIVE] Sesi dialog Syed Saddiq bersama 'rider' Foodpanda

laporan penuh : lihat disini

 

Why Unions Matter to You | Robert Reich

please watch this click here

"When Union were Strong

The middle class was Strong"

 TRADE UNION 

Trade (or Labor) Unions Explained in One Minute: Definition/Meaning, History & Arguments For/Against

Watch This

 

What are Unions and how do they work? - Behind the News

Secara keseluruhannya, video ini menerangkan kesatuan sekerja merupakan penubuhan yang mempastikan pekerja mendapat upah, keselamatan dan kesihatan pekerja terjamin, waktu bekerja pekerja dan menjalankan aktiviti kesatuan seperti mogok dan piket.  

NONTON VIDEO INI.. 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=al5N_5TvFOA

Salah satu pandangan kepimpinan terhadap penubuhan kesatuan sekerja 

KUALA LUMPUR: Halangan utama bagi Malaysia Airlines (MAS) untuk kembali meraih keuntungan adalah kesatuan sekerjanya, kata sebuah kumpulan pemikir utama, Ahad. 

Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif Institut bagi Demokrasi dan Hal Ehwal Ekonomi (IDEAS) Wan Saiful Wan Jan berkata setiap kali usaha dibuat untuk melakukan pembaharuan atau penyusunan semula syarikat penerbangan itu bagi mendapatkan semula keuntungan, kesatuan sekerja akan bangkit menentang kebanyakan daripada cadangan-cadangan yang diusulkan. 

"Jadi saya rasa apa yang kita perlu lakukan untuk menjadikan MAS syarikat yang menguntungkan adalah dengan menjinakkan pengaruh kesatuan sekerjanya. Mereka agak terlalu berpengaruh, terlalu lantang, terlalu berkuasa. Ya, harus menghormati hak pekerja kerana hak mereka amat perlu dihormati. 

"Tetapi kuasa kesatuan sekerja kadang-kadang tidak selari dengan kepentingan syarikat itu sendiri. Ironinya jumlah kakitangan MAS terlalu besar sedangkan syarikat itu sendiri mengalami kerugian. Biasanya, sesebuah syarikat akan mengurangkan kos apabila ia tidak mencatatkan prestasi yang baik," katanya kepada Bernama.

sumber: artikel penuh

PERSATUAN PELANCONGAN PANTAI BARAT SABAH 

Persatuan ini merupakan persatuan yang mengalakkan kemasukan keahlian untuk menyertai dalam penubuhan persatuan yang telah diwujudkan kepada pengusaha-pengusaha yang terlibat dalam bidang perlancongan khususnya di Sabah, antara pengusaha yang terlibat adalah 

a)Pengusaha homestay

b)Agensi/ syarikat pelancongan 

c) Pemandu pelancong

d) Pemandu bas/ van pelancong

e) Pengusaha hotel 

f)Pengusaha Restoran 

g) Lain-lain yang berkaitan dengan industri pelancongan 

Salah satu matlamat utama pertubuhan ini adalah membawa isu-isu pelancongan tempatan ke peringkat pengurusan pelancongan negeri dan Persekutuan. 

5000 Pekerja Mogok dibuang kerja- Ashulia, Bangladesh

Dhaka: Hampir 5,000 pekerja kilang pakaian jenama antarabangsa dibuang kerja selepas melakukan demonstrasi berhubung isu gaji beberapa minggu lalu di Ashulia, Bangladesh

Menurut polis, ribuan pekerja kilang yang dituduh mencuri dan melakukan kerosakan dalam protes itu sudah dipecat namun kesatuan pekerja mendakwa industri itu cuba menakutkan mereka.

Artikel ini disiarkan pada : Selasa, 29 January 2019 @ 9:27 PM

sumber:Artikel penuh

Trade Union Movement

Recovering from the COVID-19 crisis: What policies are needed?

This is the moment to remind everyone that social justice and the fight against inequalities must be a top priority, with a central role for governments in tackling the employment crisis and its fallout: starvation and social unrest. This issue is an accident waiting to happen, with millions of workers in the formal and informal economy losing their jobs and millions of SMEs going out of business. This may not be so far from how the world was in around 1919, when governments, businesses and unions deeply understood that only with social justice and social dialogue as guiding principles could there be proper recovery from the vast destruction of World War I. In the preamble to the ILO’s constitution in 1919, the following was declared loud and clear: “…. conditions of labour exist involving such injustice, hardship and privation to large numbers of people as to produce unrest so great that the peace and harmony of the world are imperiled, and an improvement of those conditions is urgently required.”

Sumber:click here

Balasubramaniam et al., (2017) 

Kajian ini melihat berkenaan dengan pengaruh organisasi kesatuan dan sikap majikan terhadap keberkesanan kesatuan dalam kalangan pegawai-pegawai kesatuan sekerja. Oleh itu, kajian ini mendapati bahawa pergerakan kesatuan sekerja secara keseluruhannya yang dilihat akan mempengaruhi keberkesanan kesatuan sekerja. Berikut merupakan cabaran yang dihadapi kesatuan antaranya;

1. Tuntutan Pengikhtirafan

2. peraturan-peraturan dalam Syarikat

3. Diskriminasi terhadap pekerja yang memegang jawatan dalam kesatuan 

4. Pemberian upah berdasarkan produktiviti

5. Saingan daripada pekerja Asing 

6. Penubuhan Mekanisme tersendiri majikan bagi mencabar kesatuan (Union Busting)

Melalui beberapa cabaran yang telah disenaraikan dan disesuaikan dengan kajian yang dijalankan. Balasubramaniam et al., (2017) berpendapat bahawa kesatuan kebangsaan atau kesatuan dalaman harus menempuhi halangan-halangan ini daripada majikan mereka dan kesatuan kebangsaan tidak terkecuali dalam perkara ini. 

Kesimpulannya, halangan yang diberikan adalah bertujuan untuk mengurangkan pengaruh kesatuan sekerja itu sendiri. Oleh itu, kesatuan sekerja harus menyediakan pelbagai insiatif untuk menjamin dan mengekalkan suara pekerja agar dapat didengari oleh pihak pengurusan seperti majikan atau pihak kerajaan. Keadaan ini akan menjamin hak ekonomi dan sosial pekerja sentiasa terjamin.

Rujukan 

Balasubramaniam, A.T, Halim F.W,  Omar, F & Muhammad Hafidz, S.W. Pengaruh Organisasi Kesatuan dan Sikap Majikan terhadap Keberkesanan Kesatuan dalam Kalangan Pegawai-pegawai Kesatuan Sekerja. Jurnal Pengurusan 51(2017) 65 – 78. Boleh dilayari melalui: https://doi.org/10.17576/pengurusan-2018-51-06.