Union Power

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from