The trade union movement at the dawn of the 21st Century

The individualisation and compartmentalisation of work, and the growth in subcontracting by the larger public and private employers has increased the gap between a core of unionised workers and a mass of unprotected and un-unionised working people. It will take much more than calls to unionise the un-unionised to overcome this division, and re-establish the universal vocation of the unions as defenders of the interests of working people.

Trade unionism is often caught in the contradiction between managing day-to-day activities, and needing to intervene in a constantly evolving balance of forces. To advance, we need to find convergence with the various social movements (ecological, immigrant rights, housing, unemployment, anti-globalisation, feminist) that testify to society’s irrepressible capacity to resist and revolt.

Reference : click here

Union And WorkPlace Learning

Union and the Workplace Learning

The paid workplace is one of the most important spheres of learning in society today. However, the learning that goes on this sphere can be understood from at least two different perspectives: that of management and owners on the one hand, and that of workers and their organizations on the other. In fact, workplace learning represents a contested terrain of social, political and economic struggle. The purpose of trade unions is to represent the interests and worldview of the diversity of workers, and its goals in terms of workplace learning can be seen as overlapping as well as in opposition to those of management. Unions represent these interests by providing organizational, and, in most liberal democracies, legal frameworks for workers to mobilize around issues they themselves deem important. The labour movement, more generally, is comprised of the trade union movement, the co-operative movement and workers’ political parties. Within this stream of movements, trade unions in particular have incredible capacity to shape the character and experience of learning at work through course provision, collective bargaining and other forms of intervention. Unions also play an important role in shaping training and vocational education policy at various sectoral, national and, more recently, international levels (in many cases with the help of established workers’ political parties). Perhaps most pervasively of all, however, unions can and frequently do play an important role in shaping the everyday experiences of workers within the labour process, through specific information and action campaigns, as well as through their effects on learning through mass media, literature, drama and art.

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How a Proactive Interventionist Can Make Strikes More Effective

How a Proactive Interventionist Can Make Strikes More Effective: Evidence from the Korean Banking Sector

This paper presents, through an investigation of two industry-wide strikes in the Korean banking sector, evidence explaining why and how a proactive interventionist strike is more effective than a reactive one when a union responds to restructuring. Through this case study we develop an argument that for a union responding to restructuring the proactive interventionist mode through the employment of appropriate industrial actions is more likely to be the best choice because successes are most likely to be achieved when organizations make concerted efforts to achieve their objectives by identifying opportunities, devising effective strategies and engaging in the issues at an early stage, thus generating favourable circumstances which can change the views or positions of other parties. Such a strategic capacity can be gained from active organizational learning (OL).

In the neo-liberal environment which requires endless restructuring for survival, unions have faced continual changes and challenges. In response, unions’ main options have been to take industrial action or engage in partnerships with employers. In all cases, the focus of union leaders’ efforts has been to devise strategies most likely to lead to success for their members.

Reference : ChungIL Choi. 2013. How a Proactive Interventionist Can Make Strikes More Effective: Evidence from the Korean Banking Sector. American Journal of Industrial and Business Management, 2013, 3, 444-452. 

This paper argues, through a case study of two industry-wide strikes in the Korean banking sector, that a proactive in-

terventionist strike is more effective than a reactive pragmatist one in a union’s response to restructuring. Evidence

from the two strikes shows that unions were able to achieve more successful outcomes from the strike in which they

engaged proactively by an interventionist mode. In this case the unions identified opportunities, took the initiative and

devised effective strategies that pre-empted the other parties before they had fully prepared their restructuring planning.

Such a strategic capacity was gained from active organizational learning in unions derived from their previous strike

failure

This paper argues, through a case study of two industry-wide strikes in the Korean banking sector, that a proactive in-

terventionist strike is more effective than a reactive pragmatist one in a union’s response to restructuring. Evidence

from the two strikes shows that unions were able to achieve more successful outcomes from the strike in which they

engaged proactively by an interventionist mode. In this case the unions identified opportunities, took the initiative and

devised effective strategies that pre-empted the other parties before they had fully prepared their restructuring planning.

Such a strategic capacity was gained from active organizational learning in unions derived from their previous strike

failure

Unions in 21st Century

 Lesson from South Africa

adaptation and always

Trade Union in Plantation Sector

 Yes how they can and will do

serikat buruh in Indonesian Labour

Trade Union Challenge

Challenges Facing Trade Unions in the Modern Society

To many, trade unionism may sound outdated, irrelevant and maybe a subject that would be told in a history class. On the contrary, the academic literature related to trade unions have significantly increased in economics, political and social related studies. It is a fact that individualism plays a significant role in the modern society. Moreover, the society today is calling for innovations in start-ups and entrepreneurship, which are more related to self-employment. But, we must be ignorant to assume that unionism is irrelevant, putting into realistic that almost seven out of ten working people we know, work in a firm, company or in an organisation. In addition, we cannot assume that we’ll all venture into our own business in future

In the modern world, people form groups “unionise” in Facebook, Twitter and other social media, to share ideas and information with a certain group of people. Sense of belonging is a natural human feeling. As Abraham Maslow describes it in the ‘hierarchy of needs’ “Humans need to feel a sense of belonging regardless of whether these groups are large or small or are formed with family, friends or at workplaces.

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The Value Of trade union

The value of trade unions in Wales

Trade unions are an essential part of the economic landscape in many parts of the world. While many countries in the Western world have seen a marked decline in trade union membership in recent decades, trade unions continue to play a vital role in managing industrial relations, as well as contributing to the broader development of the economy and society (Jonathan et al., 2019)

 Reference: Jonathan Webb, Suzanna Nesom, Craig Johnson and Helen Tilley. 2019. The value of trade unions in Wales. Wales Centre for Public Policy. 

Collective bargaining and unpaid care as social security risk – an EU perspective

The classical functions of trade unions, can be referred to as mitigating structural imbalances on the labour market. The combination of workers is a means to oppose the economically driven urge to subsume their lives under the aim of garnering profit. This not only serves to achieve an adequate wage / work bargain, but also ensures that workers can become involved in the organisation of work.

Reference: Dagmar Schiek. 2020. Collective bargaining and unpaid care as a social security risk – an EU Perspective. Volume 8, Issue 1. 

Union representation, collective voice and job quality:

 

demonstrates that employee perceptions of several dimensions of job quality are better where an onsite representative is present, and that this can be explained by the higher perceptions of union collective voice that onsite representatives engender.

More research is also needed on the mechanics of how onsite union representative voice effects emerge. For example, it could be that while unions voice members’ concerns to onsite managers, these managers may not have sufficient influence to change employment practice themselves to address these concerns. They may, however, in turn voice the union’s concerns to more senior managers in the organisation, who do have sufficient influence to make the requisite changes.

Reference : Hoque, K., Earls, J., Conway, N. & Bacon, N. (2017). Union representation, collective voice and job quality: an analysis of a survey of union members in the UK finance sector. Economic and Industrial Democracy: an international journal, 38(1), pp. 27-50.

 

EFFECTIVENESS OF TRADE UNIONS IN PROMOTING EMPLOYEE RELATIONS IN ORGANISATIONS.

Trade union play great role in safeguarding employees from any form of discrimination or harassment in organisations. Employees need to work in good environment. Many researches have been done in this area but there is limited research in developing countries specifically in Botswana. Therefore, to fill this gap, this study will find out the role played by trade unions in solving labour related disputes, with specific reference to working conditions, salaries and ‘fair treatment’. In addition, the study will also focus on how members perceive their work and non-work experiences and belief with their trade unions and weather the unions performed their duties in line with their expectations.

The major finding demonstrated that economic factors like changes in government policies are taken into consideration in the operations of the union. In addition, the unions also stick to their traditional view that was founded. Thus, working for the interest of its members rather than of the society it operates in, otherwise it would not serving according to the expectations of their members and this may results in decline in membership as it happened within some African countries.

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THE FUTURE OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA

 

They should also encourage firm employees who support the union campaign to communicate with their fellow workers – during their non-work times – regarding their desire for union representation. These communication channels are inexpensive and effective. No longer do organizers have to use phone calls, home mailings, and off-work meetings to reach the individuals they are trying to unionize (Craver, 2005: 31).

Some of the compelling reasons that will bring about e-unions include the following: 

a) Increasing access to the Internet. through interactive television sets, mobile telephones, electronic game consoles and a whole variety of new terminals. 

b) A reduction in the real costs of hardware, software and usage. 

c) The membership of trade unions will increasingly demand the levels of services which can only be provided by the type of e-union, that is, increasingly speedy and personalised service. 

d) The final reason why the e-union will happen is that, if it does not, then unions will face extinction. Unless unions use ICT to modernise and unless unions recruit in the new companies and industries created by these technologies, unions will continue to see a decline in membership.

Reference: 

Craver, C.B. (2005). ‘The Labor movement needs a twenty-first century committee for industrial organization’, The George Washington University Law School Public Law and Legal Theory 13 Working Paper No. 281 Legal Studies Research Paper No. 281, Hofstra Labor & Employment Law Journal 69, http://ssrn.com/abstract=993126

The Effect of Trade Unionism on Workers

The Effect of Trade Unionism on Workers

Based on the Findings, it can be concluded that trade union PAM is playing an active role in maintaining the quality life of the workers. In fact, security in life of the workers seems to be an indispensable component of the functions of this union. Along with it, they are also maintaining good harmonious industrial relations.

Trade unions should build additional value to members in the work they perform. Besides bringing security to life and improving working conditions the union should try to put more emphasis into bringing new values to its members. The union should concentrate on membership education and training to its members. The union provides members training in fields of labor rights and collective bargaining. 

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Trade unions in Malaysia: Perspectives of employers & employees of unionized companies.

This paper examines the views of employees and employers from unionised companies on trade unions in Peninsular Malaysia. A majority of nonunion members perceived that employers do not display a positive attitude towards the unions at workplace. The role of the individual rather than the collective aspirations of employees is clearly emphasised by employers. The high level of employers’ opposition to unionisation is clearly an indicator of its role in the erosion of collective representation, leading to the diminution of union organising efforts. The highly competitive and dynamic globalized business environment has been the key driver in employers’ attitudes towards trade unions. Trade unions need to review their organising strategies, as well as their internal procedures and processes. Trade unions should go beyond their traditional roles and engage in activities strategic to their communities and employers.

Reference: Che Rose, Raduan and Kumar, Naresh and Ramasamy, Nagiah (2011) Trade unions in Malaysia: Perspectives of employers & employees of unionized companies. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, 46 (3). pp. 384-395. ISSN 0019-5286

 The Right to Collective Bargaining in Malaysia in the Context of ILO Standards

It is significant to remember that in Malaysia trade unions are fairly weak principally because of the legislative policies on their establishment, structure and membership. But even without these legal peculiarities, trade unions in developing countries are generally known to be relatively weak when compared with their counterparts in the West.3 Yet only strong and independent trade unions can be able to effectively exercise the right to bargain collectively. In fact, one of the arguments against the suitability of collective bargaining for developing countries is that trade unions are, in these countries, “too weak to bargain effectively and therefore it is socially undesirable to leave the standards of employment to be established by all-powerful, and by implication, ruthless employers.”

Reference: Rabiu Sani Shatsari & Kamal Halili Hassan. 2016. The Right to Collective Bargaining in Malaysia in the Context of ILO Standards. Asian Journal of Comparative Law, 2006, Vol. 1: 1-20.

 Malaysian Industrial Relations at Century’s Turn: Vision 2020 or a Spectre of the Past?

Malaysia’s industrial relations (IR) has been characterised by extensive State control guaranteeing a high level of managerial prerogative within the workplace, minimal overt conflict and very little bargaining power for labour. These arrangements were an integral component of the package to attract investors when Malaysia’s industrialisation strategy focused on low-cost, export-oriented industries. Since then, however, Malaysia has adopted the goal of developed country status by 2020 and embarked on a higher value-added, more capital-intensive industrialisation strategy. This paper analyses current Malaysian IR at the workplace level posing the question as to whether the economic progress towards ‘Vision 2020’ is being accompanied by a transformation of Malaysia’s IR. It will be seen that there is evidence of substantial growth in training, the implementation of multiskilling in some workplaces as well as isolated instances of some ‘lean production’ practices. Fundamental change however is not occurring, workers remain excluded from the decision making process both within and outside the workplace.

Reference: Patricia Todd & David Peetz. 2001.  Malaysian Industrial Relations at Century’s Turn: Vision 2020 or a Spectre of the Past?. click here

A Union Representative’s Perspective of Declining Union Membership

Fifteen percent of the participants recognized (a) union strategy, (b) technological advances, (c) political opposition, and (d) labor laws as significant to membership decline. Participant R14 said, “ There is no cohesiveness within the union. The union is not strong anymore” . Participant R11 said, “ Technology has changed the type of work available” . Participant R15 said, “ Technological advances and changes in the business model have decreased manufacturing labor needs” 

References: Melvin J. Rivers & Tim Truitt, (2014). A Union Representative’s Perspective of Declining Union Membership. International Journal of Management, Economics and Social Sciences.  Vol. 3(3), pp. 125 – 143. ISSN 2304 – 1366. 

THE FUTURE OF UNIONS

 

 In theory, the dilemma may be resolved by 'empowering' members to become the front line of their own selfrepresentation; but in reality, constructing and sustaining a structure of workplace activism can be a thankless effort. The vicious circle of membership loss, declining ability to win results, and demoralisation is not readily transformed into a virtuous circle of recruitment, representation and empowerment.

UNIONS IN THE FUTURE: WHO, WHAT AND HOW

According Hyman, (2002), Trade unions in the twenty-first century confront old dilemmas, but in new forms. Most fundamentally, these can be described as the who, the what and the how of trade union representation.

1. Whose interests do trade unions represent?

2. How are interests represented?

3. Elements as intelligence, strategy and efficacy.

Finally, how do unions balance two contradictory modes of action: mobilization and struggle on the one hand, compromise on the other? Unions have been eloquently described as ‘managers of discontent’ (Mills, 1948): to win workers’ allegiance they must identify and articulate unresolved grievances, unmet needs and unrealized aspirations. 

Reference : click here

Is the trade union movement lost?

The Malaysian trade union movement continues to be “highly fragmented, diffused and characterised by the large number of small unions in general” [3] consisting of mainly enterprise unions. Even though the trade union movement has been systemically crippled, despite all these restrictions there has been promising instances of achieving respective trade union’s goals and better welfare for the workers through industrial action. As illustrated in the cases mentioned earlier, the government becomes the third party acting between the employers and employees. Nevertheless, the cases also have shown unions in Malaysia have managed relative success despite the long court process. In short, unionising works in Malaysia even with such limitations, and one could only imagine how it would be like without the many restrictions imposed.

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What Makes Unions Strong?

 

Table 1: Four models of unions’ power based on dependence and cohesion High Cohesion Low Cohesion

	High Cohesion	Low Cohesion
High Dependence	The Unions with Strong bargaining power & Strong collective action	The Unions with Strong bargaining power & Weak collective action
Low Dependence	The Unions with Weak bargaining power & Strong collective action	The Unions with Weak bargaining power & Weak collective action

 

Source: Lanu Kim. 2014. What Makes Unions Strong? A Network Perspective on Union Bargaining Power. A thesis. Master of Arts. University of Washington.

Labor movement 

The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-sional social formation that is generated fromthe social structures of work and industry ina society. It may comprise both legally recog-nized and formally sanctioned institutions (liketrade unions, political parties, and works coun-cils) as well as less formal groupings of workersand their allies (industrial actions, organiza-tions of strike supporters, workers centers,dissident movements within unions, culturalforms, etc.). Labor movements operate at theintersection of economic practice, civil society,and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-tutionalized in any given society in any givenhistorical period, and can be partly character-ized by the extent to which extra-institutionalpractices are permitted and have been incorpo-rated into the routine operations of industrialand labor relations. The social and organiza-tional composition of a labor movement, aswell as the degree to which its practices havebeen institutionalized, are thus two importantanalytical axes through which the social logicof a labor movement can be discerned

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The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-

sional social formation that is generated from

the social structures of work and industry in

a society. It may comprise both legally recog-

nized and formally sanctioned institutions (like

trade unions, political parties, and works coun-

cils) as well as less formal groupings of workers

and their allies (industrial actions, organiza-

tions of strike supporters, workers centers,

dissident movements within unions, cultural

forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the

intersection of economic practice, civil society,

and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-

tutionalized in any given society in any given

historical period, and can be partly character-

ized by the extent to which extra-institutional

practices are permitted and have been incorpo-

rated into the routine operations of industrial

and labor relations. The social and organiza-

tional composition of a labor movement, as

well as the degree to which its practices have

been institutionalized, are thus two important

analytical axes through which the social logic

of a labor movement can be discerned

The labor movement is a broad, multidimen-

sional social formation that is generated from

the social structures of work and industry in

a society. It may comprise both legally recog-

nized and formally sanctioned institutions (like

trade unions, political parties, and works coun-

cils) as well as less formal groupings of workers

and their allies (industrial actions, organiza-

tions of strike supporters, workers centers,

dissident movements within unions, cultural

forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the

intersection of economic practice, civil society,

and the state. They are more or less firmly insti-

tutionalized in any given society in any given

historical period, and can be partly character-

ized by the extent to which extra-institutional

practices are permitted and have been incorpo-

rated into the routine operations of industrial

and labor relations. The social and organiza-

tional composition of a labor movement, as

well as the degree to which its practices have

been institutionalized, are thus two important

analytical axes through which the social logic

of a labor movement can be discerned

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.

In collective action settings individuals are deterred from contributing by one

or both of two factors: the temptation to free-ride and the fear of inefficacy. The

temptation to free-ride reflects a desire to let others carry the burden of contributing to

collective action. The fear of inefficacy reflects individuals’ concerns that their

contributions will not have a meaningful impact on the production of the public good.

The classic collective action problem that is the focus of the present research, such as

that faced when organizing a demonstration, strike, or social movement, involves both

motives for defection.