Union Power

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from

Undoubtedly, unions and parties have greatly contributed to strengthening labour vis-à-vis

capital in many situations. But the conceptualisation of the PRA has the problematic

consequence that any strategy of unions and parties where stated aims are achieved can be

declared a successful exercise of workers’ power – no matter what the effects are of this strategy

on workers as a class. Sectionalism and collusion with management or with pro-business

governments on the side of unions as well as accommodating strategies on the side of labour

parties have delivered, in certain cases, some benefits for the rank-and-file of the organisations in

question. However, they usually have extremely divisive effects on workers in society as a whole,

thus weakening the overall position of labour. Furthermore, unions – in particular in countries in

the Global South with huge informal sectors – often struggle to reach beyond very narrow

constituencies. In these settings, union strategies may be geared to a small minority of workers

and obstruct working-class formation in the sense of a process in which the collective agency of

workers as a class and an antagonist of capital is strengthened. Finally, there is the persistent issue

of union and party-political corruption, which contributes greatly to turning workers away from

 

The Issue of Union Power

The issue of union power never seems to be far from the centre of political debate and, indeed, during the last year, its prominence would seem to be more marked than usual. For example, the Social Contract and the Concordat between the previous Labour Government and the TUC have been used as illustrations of the way in which union power was influencing and, to a large extent, determining national policy over a wide range of subjects. The familiar cartoon of James Callaghan asking the advice of Jack Jones and Moss Evans bore witness to this. Similarly, industrial democracy—principally the idea of workers on the Board—has been regarded by many industrialists as a basic attack upon the traditions of private enterprise and a way in which trade unions will infiltrate the decision‐making processes within companies

Reference: Marchington, M. (1979). The issue of Union Power. Employee Relations, Vol, 1 No 4. pp 9-7.

 Union- The state of workplace union reps organisation in Britain today

Finally we can consider the potential for rebuilding the strength of workplace union reps’ organisation. In 2007 a National Shop Stewards Network was initiated by the RMT with the aim of attempting to revitalise the unions at the grassroots and building a fighting trade union movement. Lively national conferences of hundreds of workplace reps/activists, and a number of regional meetings, have been held, and there has been limited support generated for disputes. But the problem such an initiative has faced is that unlike the massive expansion of the shop stewards’ movement in the 1970s which was based on rising trade union struggle and political radicalisation, the current relatively low level of strike activity inevitably places a material limitation on what can be achieved. Thus the two crucial basic, albeit often ignored, ingredients for the rebuilding of a strong workplace union reps’ movement are struggle and politics.

Reference: click here